Eighth Emeritus Lecture Honoring
Some reflections on long-term fieldwork in anthropology
By Evon Z. Vogt
[ Illustrations: Click the slide or map to view. Photos and maps by Frank Cancian, B.N. Colby, George A. Collier, John D. Early, Mark Rosenberg, Charles A. Vogt, Nan Vogt, and Evon Z. Vogt. All slides were taken by Evon Z. Vogt unless otherwise noted within the text.]
I would first like to thank the Department of Anthropology, and especially Pat Kirch, Sherry Ortner, and Sherry Parrish, for the opportunity to present this lecture in honor of Professor George Foster. I would also like to express my deep appreciation for that wonderful introduction by my much-admired former student, Laura Nader.
I would also like to mention my wife, Nan Vogt, who has accompanied me on every field trip for the last 50 years, and, if she were not still working would have been a co-author of my most recent book on Fieldwork among the Maya.
[Cover of Fieldwork among the Maya]
But she was responsible for my writing this book. One evening after a Cambridge cocktail party she said to me: "Vogtie, every time you tell about the Harvard Chiapas Project, the number of students you had goes up!" So I decided I should write about the fieldwork and make an accurate count. She was correct, the number of students in my conversations had crept up to 170; when I counted, it was only 142!
I would also like to call your attention to a wonderful colleague, Professor Sherry Washburn, who is here this afternoon and with whom I shared the experience of a stimulating year at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences.
Also present today is my former student, Jane Collier, now a distinguished Professor of Anthropology at Stanford who has written the definitive book on Zinacanteco law entitled Law and Social Change in Zinacantan; as well as my son Terry Vogt, who has done fieldwork in Chiapas, and his wife Mary Anschuetz Vogt, who as an undergraduate studied the birth process in Zinacanteco homes and wrote the paper on "To Be Born in Zinacantan".
Finally, I call attention to Thor Anderson who has just completed his Ph.D. here at Berkeley.
When he was a Harvard undergraduate, Thor was placed with a Chamula family who made bootleg liquor. The Chamulas took one look at the tall, strong Thor Anderson and put him to work carrying firewood with a tumpline for the still! But Thor ultimately enjoyed Chiapas so much he stayed on in the field, learned fluent Tzotzil, and with his skill in carpentry built his own Chamula house in the hamlet.
On one of my first encounters with Professor George Foster, I managed to make off with his London Fog raincoat at the end of a party at the home of Ozzie Simmons in the suburbs of Boston. I usually try to follow in footsteps of much-admired older academic brothers, but in this case I guess I aspired to wear the mantle! Since then I have learned what to do to avoid mixing up the look-alike London Fog raincoats: tie a knot in one sleeve and leave an unpaid bill in the pocket!
My basic thesis in this lecture: long-term field research is essential for profound ethnographic knowledge of the structure and dynamics of a culture.
I shall first pay tribute to and discuss George Foster's pioneering and innovative long-term fieldwork in Mexico; then focus on my own efforts on the Harvard Chiapas Project which has now gone on for 38 years.
George Foster has an even longer-term fieldwork project in Tzintzuntzan, the former capital of the pre-Columbian Tarascan empire in Michoacan in western Mexico, and now a Mexican mestizo, peasant community. Indeed, Professor Foster's research in Tzintzuntzan is the longest on record having begun his formal fieldwork in the community in 1945, now a half century ago.
In a delightful paper on "Fieldwork in Tzintzuntzan" George Foster (1979) explains how his first association with the community was quite fortuitous -- a casual visit enroute to another part of Mexico, followed later by his participation in a joint Smithsonian and Mexican Institute of Anthropology program which needed a site to train students in field methods.
This led Professor Foster back to Tzintzuntzan and eventually to warm contacts in this community of 2500 people to which George and Mickie Foster have returned almost every year ever since. Professor Foster goes on to emphasize, very perceptively, how long-term or longitudinal study affords not only an opportunity to study the dynamics of change, but also "to delve more deeply into the culture itself".
He adds: longterm research makes possible the development of intimate relationships, preferably in the context of living with families, in which overheard remarks and observed chance events provide "trigger mechanisms" for the formulation of explanatory theoretical concepts.
Longitudinal research also affords time and opportunities to gather bodies of data whose significance is not realized until years later. This is true for providing a detailed cultural baseline in order to measure and analyze subsequent changes. But it is also true for a deeper understanding of the culture.
As Professor Foster writes in some wonderful passages (Foster 1979): quotes
". . . As time passed, I also realized that the original Tzintzuntzan research barely scratched the surface of the cultural reality and that in all areas of life there was still much to be learned"
"In some instances, I have waited 20 or more years before realizing the significance of behavior that, at the time noted, fit into no current research interests."
"theories come and go but good data are timeless, grist for the Anthropologist's mill when least expected."
To illustrate, I draw on a brilliant article of George Foster's on "Speech Forms and Perception of Social Distance"(Foster 1964).
While Professor Foster has made a number of remarkable discoveries about the culture of Tzintzuntzan using his "trigger mechanisms", including the dyadic contract (Foster 1961), the image of the limited good (Foster 1965a), and the cultural responses to envy (Foster 1965b, 1972)), to say nothing of his works on "the culture of conquest" (Foster 1960), his analysis of speech forms and social distance is my favorite!!
To explain: over the years he noted and wondered about a most curious practice in the everyday life of Tzintzuntzaní the formal "usted" was used in speaking to cats and dogs while the informal, intimate "tu" was used in addressing the supernaturals, i.e. God, the Virgin Mary, Christ, and the saints!
All this seemed paradoxical, for generally one uses "usted" with older people and with people that are superior in status; whereas "tu" is used with younger people and people of inferior status. Why should household pets be addressed in a formal manner, while the supernaturals with vastly more status and power be addressed in the intimate, informal way? At the same time Professor Foster was struck by the usage of "adios", normally translated as "goodbye" in English, as a greeting like "hello".
These and other anomalies led to a consideration of the ways in which the people in Tzintzuntzan perceive and handle social distance from others. Thus, one orders dogs out of the house in a formal distancing manner, making it clear that while dogs are pets and might presume to claim intimacy and equality, they are qualitatively different from the speaker and they must not overstep recognized limits.
On the other hand, in a society in which large extended families and lineages have broken down, one depends upon building a system of support by establishing dyadic contacts with people (via, for example, the system of ritual kinship found in the compadrazgo) and with supernaturals. One reaches out and tries to become as intimate as possible with these supernaturals who are believed to help with any number of life's problems.
In the case of "adios" for a greeting, this is used when strangers or mere acquaintances meet on a trail and it says, in effect -- quote:
"I see you, I greet you, I wish God to be with you, I respect you -- but I must remind you that you have no claim on me!"
That is, "adios" in this context expresses the intention to maintain social distance.
The scholarly leadership of George Foster is also clearly reflected in the students he has trained on the Tzintzuntzan project. A fine example is Stanley Brandes' innovative work on the symbolic meanings and social control mechanisms found in Mexican fiestas.
The Harvard Chiapas Project also began fortuitously. In the summer of 1955 I was invited, by Dr. Alfonso Caso, director of the National Indian Institute and the leading Anthropologist in Mexico, to attend meetings in Mexico City.
[Map of Chiapas and neighboring parts of southern Mexico]
[Map of Chiapas and the Municipio of Zinacantan]
Following the meetings, which included reports by the regional field directors of the National Indian Institute, I was sent on a fabulous trip by automobile to one of the institute's field sites -- the highlands of Chiapas -- in company with a stellar group of Mexican intellectuals.
[Slide of the Sumidero,]
Dr. Manuel Gamio -- who had studied with Franz Boas at Columbia and was Caso's predecessor as the leading Anthropologist of Mexico before his retirement. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran, Deputy Director of INI, who had studied with Melville Herskovits at Northwestern. He later became the rector of the University of Vera Cruz. And an amusing and noted medico, Dr. Luis Gomez Pimienta, director of the Tuberculosis Institute of Mexico.
We arrived in San Cristobal las Casas [Slide of San Cristobal (Photo by Frank Cancian)] after dark and checked in at the Hotel Español. The next morning I awoke early and walked to the market. It was a lovely, crystal-clear morning.
I found myself [Slide of pine trees in the highlands of Chiapas (Photo by B. N. Colby)] in a beautiful highland valley surrounded by pine trees and at 7000 feet elevation which made for a stimulating climate. I was entranced seeing the people from each Maya-speaking municipio dressed in different costumes.
[Slide of Zinacanteco (Photo by Frank Cancian)]
[Slide of Chamulas - near Romerillo]
It was love at first sight. I had become bored with research in the Southwest and was looking for another field site. I vowed on the spot to spend the rest of field research career in the highlands of Chiapas!
However, the conception of a long-term longitudinal project in Chiapas focused on one, or at the most, two communities, evolved more slowly. [Slide of The Zinacantecos of Mexico]
During the first two years of research in 1957 and 1958, the community on which I decided to focus my efforts, Zinacantan, appeared to me to be a highly acculturated, Mexican peasant community, not unlike what Robert Redfield and Oscar Lewis described for the culture of the famous town of Tepoztlan, which I had visited.
The town center had two Catholic churches and a chapel [ Slide of center (Photo by Frank Cancian)]; a town hall called a "cabildo" [Slide of cabildo (Photo by Frank Cancian)]; and Catholic-looking crosses everywhere -- not only on top, but in the patios of churches [ Slide of church patio (Photo by Frank Cancian)], at the foot of and on top mountains, [ Slide of shrine atop muk'ta vits (Photo by Charles Vogt)] where Zinacantecos lighted white candles and copal incense and prayed [Slide of praying Zinacantecos (Photo by Frank Cancian)]; beside waterholes; and along trails and roads [Slide of shrine in pass leading into Zinacantan Center (Photo by Nan Vogt)]
To be sure, the people were speaking Tzotzil-Maya rather than Spanish, but otherwise I thought I must be looking at one of the most Catholic communities in the world.
I started to write my monograph on the community at the end of the second year of research.
Then, we began to encounter some disturbing data as fieldworkers like Robert Laughlin (now at Smithsonian and author of The Great Tzotzil Dictionary Of San Lorenzo Zinacantan, one of the most complete American Indian language dictionaries to be published) began to learn more Tzotzil, and informants, such as Domingo De La Torre Perez, [Domingo De La Torre Perez by Landrover in Milpa and Domingo working in Milpa(Photo by Frank Cancian)] became available for in-depth interviews.
Some examples of these disturbing data: the crosses (in the minds of the Zinacantecos) had nothing to do with the crucifixion of Christ; rather they are conceived as doorways to the homes of the ancestral gods (pictured as elderly Zinacantecos) who live inside the mountains, or as portals to the domain of the earth lord who lives underground.
The shrine with six large crosses [Slide of Kalvaryo (Photo by M. Rosenberg)] on a hill just above the ceremonial center and called "kalvaryo" from calvario or "calvary" is not a local replication of the one in far-off Jerusalem where Christ was crucified, but rather is the sacred shrine at which the ancestral gods hold weekly meetings and await communications and offerings, including sacrificial black chickens [Slide of black chicken (Photo by J. D. Early)] from their living descendants who live in the village below!
Like George Foster, I was forced to conclude that I had barely scratched the surface of a rich and complex culture with roots in the pre-Columbian and early colonial past.
Thank God, I did not publish my monograph before we had worked in Zinacantan for 12 years!
As the research design evolved, we focused not only on Zinacantan but added the neighboring community of Chamula [Slide of Chamula center; slide of Mariano Lopez Calixto with wife and sister; Slide of Tzotzil School and children near chamula.] for comparison and contrast.
I came to discover that the ideal is a long-term field research project with multiple anthropological observers, as well as observers from other disciplines.
The overlapping images that are captured by working longitudinally through time and with multiple observers in the community at the same time -- provides the equivalent of stereoscopic vision derived from overlapping images in aerial photography.
An example: Frank Cancian and I were observing the same decorated house patio shrine. [Slide of cross being decorated (Photo by J.D. Early) ]. With my interest in the domain of ritual I made the comment "I wonder what type of curing ceremony is going on inside that house." Cancian, a noted expert in economic anthropology, wondered: "how did that Zinacanteco get enough money together to have an expensive curing ceremony?"
Another example: Dr.Berry Brazelton, the pediatrician, who studied the behavior of neonates in Zinacantan, observed a pair of twins, and noted that one was badly malnourished. On his next visit with that family only one infant was present. Dr. Brazelton thought, oh! My God! One had died and hesitated at first to ask "what happened"? But when he did ask, the response was: "we sold the other one for 200 pesos!!" The undernourished twin that was sold to a neighbor was in fine shape. It was clear that a pediatrician trained at Harvard Medical School was skilled in observing and testing small infants, but was shocked and could not conceive of anyone selling a baby!!
[Slide of Dr. Berry Brazelton]
As the years unfolded, we developed some other distinctive features of the Harvard Chiapas Project to increase our fieldwork precision and productivity:
 observers were placed continually in the field, and especially every summer. "we came, like the rains, every summer. We did no harm, but some good!"
 we instituted a pre-field training program in field methods and, and even more importantly, in the Tzotzil language. With the ideas and help of colleagues like George and Jane Collier and John Haviland, we brought informants to Cambridge to give the students realistic experience in interviewing Tzotzil-Mayas.
We offered an intensive course in spoken Tzotzil taught by the member of the project who, by common consent, had the best knowledge of Tzotzil. It was never me! Rather it was the junior professor, the graduate student, or the undergraduate who was most fluent in the language that season.
The course was never listed in any of our course catalogues!! Can you imagine how the committee on educational policy dominated by European historians and traditional economists would have reacted to a course on "spoken Tzotzil"?
I simply signed the students up for "independent work" and they proceeded to work harder than in any other course or seminar!
 use of aerial photographs, not only for specialized graduate student projects, such as Gary Gossen's study of the sacred geography of Chamula, or George Collier's study of land use in both Zinacantan and Chamula.
But, also each undergraduate was asked to work with aerial photos in preparation for their summer projects. Aerial photos proved to be especially useful in census-taking. We discovered that house-to-house census-takers, like officials collecting money for fiestas in the ceremonial center, were always offered drinks of "posh" (sugar-cane rum) the result: they could only do two or three houses a day before they were wiped out!
 we also held research conferences in Chiapas at the project headquarters called the "Rancho Harvard" [Slide of luncheon at ranch] with the graduate students and undergraduates.
The graduate students were a great help, but could be merciless. One of our brightest undergraduates one summer commented to me after her report has been taken apart by Rich and Sally Price (now both Professors of Anthropology at William and Mary): "the trouble is there are two of them!"
 field notes were written in three copies - one copy for the fieldworker, one for his/her family (so they wouldn't have to write so many letters to anxious parents), and one for Harvard Chiapas Project archives. By common agreement, other notes can be used with permission of the fieldworker who collected the data. Miraculously, unlike some other projects, weíve never had any arguments about somebody using somebody else's field data! I always brief students to give proper credit to others.
As a result of the training and the shared field experience recorded in the archives, students, even the undergraduates, could begin field research when they stepped off the bus in San Cristobal Las Casas. And then moved from there quickly into the Tzotzil-Mayan hamlets, such as Apas [Slide aerial view of Apas (Photo by Frank Cancian); slide of Mary Anschuetz and Kitty Brazelton ; slide of group of students with Chep Apas].
Mary Anschuetz Vogt's research-- she lived with a midwife and was the first to observe Zinacanteco births. Jane Collier's research was on Zinacanteco law. Ron Trosper studied the lending of money in this hamlet.
My own research has been focused on:
(a)the continuities and transformations from the ancient Maya to the contemporary Maya.
(b) the symbolic meanings of the complex ceremonial life of Zinacantan.
And (c) the study of contemporary cultural trends and processes.
Continuities with past:
Example: my hypothesis, first advanced at the meetings of The 6th International Congress of Anthropological And Ethnological Sciences in Paris in August 1960, that the steep-sided sacred mountains surrounding Tzotzil-Maya centers in Chiapas have a conceptual and structural relationship to the ancient Maya pyramids of the lowland classic Maya.
The "trigger mechanism" (to use George Foster's term) for this idea was the sugarcane liquor that Zinacanteco etiquette required me to drink at 5 am one morning during the fiesta of San Lorenzo in 1959.
Afterwards, I [Slide of E.Z. Vogt in costume. (Photo by Nan Vogt)] staggered out to greet the procession of cargoholders bringing in visiting saints.
[Slide of flute and drums (Photo by Frank Cancian), slide of mayordomos procession (Photo by Frank Cancian), Slide of procession of mayordomos with banners (Photo by Frank Cancian), Slide of procession with visiting saint. (Photo by Frank Cancian)]
Suddenly the shape of the sacred mountain rising above Kalvaryo [ Slide of sisil vits an aerial view (Photo by Frank Cancian); slide of steep sides of sisil vits] resembled the steep, towering pyramids of Tikal [Slide of Tikal] which had ancestors entombed inside and stela and altars at the foot where copal incense was burned. I hypothesized that the classic Maya concepts were the forerunners of the contemporary rites in which Zinacantecos light white candles and burn copal at the foot of their sacred mountains which housed the ancestral gods [Slide of sisil vits with cross at foot (Photo by Frank Cancian) ].
That this was not just a figment of my imagination was indicated when Bob Laughlin took his Zinacanteco informant, Domingo de la Torre, to Palenque for the first time. Domingo immediately drew a parallel between the sacred mountains housing the ancestral gods in Zinacantan and the pyramids he climbed [Slide of aerial view of Palenque]. In fact, he immediately conceptualized the tunnel inside a Pyramid of the Inscriptions as a "ch'en" or cave of the type that penetrates deep into the Chiapas mountains.
Confirming evidence came some 25 years later from David Stuart when he deciphered a glyph on the hieroglyphic stairway leading up a pyramid at Copan as "wits", the Maya word for mountain! [Slide of 3 variations of wits glyph; Slide of wits mask at corner of temple 22 on top pyramid at Copan]. It turned out that "wits" means mountain and pyramid (Stuart 1987).
Study of symbolic meanings of ceremonial life
(1) I have studied the curing ceremonials performed by shamans in houses of patients and [Slide of praying to cross shrine (Photo by Frank Cancian)] at mountain shrines to gather up lost parts of the soul, or place the animal spirit companion back in the corral inside Bankilal Muk'ta Vits. Some of these ceremonials run 36 hours, day and night without stopping.
The most complex ceremonial of all is the Fiesta of San Sebastian in January which lasts for nine days [More details can be found in my book on "Tortillas for the Gods" and in Vogt and Bricker, 1996]. The Mayordomos with incense bearers (elderly women past menopause) decorate, pray [Slide (Photo by J.D. Early)], and dance [Slide (Photo by J.D. Early)] to altars inside houses. The higher ranking cargoholders, costumed as Spanish gentlemen and ladies, arrive on horseback [Slide (Photo by Frank Cancian)]; there are "Plumed Serpents" and "Spanish Mosses" [Slide (Photo by Frank Cancian)]; two cargoholders costumed as jaguars climbing the jaguar tree [ slide (Photo by Frank Cancian)].
This Fiesta Of San Sebastian recapitulates cultural history of Zinacantan and expresses current social structure of Chiapas. More details can be found in my book on "Tortillas For The Gods" [Slide of "tortillas for the gods"]
Contemporary cultural trends:
Some indices we tracked over the years:
Acceptance of electricity
 some of our data were anecdotal:
When the Mexican government started to install electricity in the church of San Lorenzo in Zinacantan center, the junior alcalde (the second highest-ranking cargoholder) had a dream that the saints would not like electric lights. The project came to a complete halt. About a week later the senior alcalde (the highest-ranking cargoholder) had a dream that saints would be enchanted with electric lights!
And the project went forward.
We also collected field data on who accepts and who rejects electric lights in the hamlets. In the hamlet of Navenchauk the two factions, when viewed from the PanAmerican highway that runs past the community, were mapped out clearly at night - one very conservative, still with only firelight and flashlights; the progressive faction, cooperating with Mexican government, whose houses and courtyards were brightly lighted with electric lights.
Another example: house types
When we began our field research, there were two fundamental types of houses in Zinacantan: thatched-roofed houses and tile-roofed houses. [Slide of traditional thatch houses, another slide of traditional thatch houses. (Photo by Frank Cancian)]
[Slide of thatch and tile houses in Chamula hamlet ]
We discovered we could use aerial photos to count the thatched and tiled-roofed houses in each hamlet. [Slide - aerial view (Photo by Frank Cancian)]
Some of us were also rash enough to make predictions followed by later observations to discover validity of the predictions:
In my monograph on Zinacantan (1969) I published 18 predictions for the year 1984! I took a reading on these predictions in an article published in America Indigena in 1982.
I will not take time to list all of these predictions; only to comment that about 80 percent of them came to pass.
There were, however, three notable exceptions:
 I predicted that San Cristobal would have textile factories with Ladino managers and foreman and Maya laborers.
Dr. Felisa Kazen, who did her Ph.D thesis in sociology on the first textile factory, was recruited to study this problem.
She discovered why this prediction misfired: the owners of factories imported the most modern, automatic, labor-saving machines from Europe which required only a handful of people to run them and they were all educated Ladinos, either from San Cristobal or elsewhere in Mexico!
Clearly we had underestimated how the Mexican owners would reach out to the larger world and import this machinery from Europe.
 while I predicted the Zinacanteco population (then some 8000) would exceed 12,000 in 1984, we discovered it exceeded 12,000 by 1975!
I had underestimated the success of INI medical program in controlling epidemics that had previously kept the population under control! This success in modern medicine led to a population explosion. Zinacantan now has in excess of 22,000.
 I predicted that Zinacantan would have a resident Catholic priest. Not only does it still not have a resident priest, but all of the small stores formerly owned by Ladinos residing in the ceremonial center have been sold to Zinacantecos. Today Zinacantan center, like Chamula center, is entirely a Tzotzil-Maya world as these highland Chiapas Mayas have engaged in their own peaceful version of "ethnic cleansing".
With respect to predictions:
We are often asked about the Zapatistas.
While we did not work in the heartland of the Zapatistas which lies to the east of the central highlands of Chiapas [Slide of map from George Collier], we did predict trouble but not exactly when it would begin.
George Collier has published the definitive book on the subject in his "Basta! The Roots Of The Zapatista Rebellion".
We predicted trouble because we knew of the exploding population figures and the shortages of land. The Mexican government tried to deal with the problem by encouraging settlement in Lacandon rain forest.
All this led to the felling of the rain forest and overuse of land - [Slide of Guatemalan border] and the complex conflicts described in George Collier's book. It will be long and complicated. [Slide of mediator Bishop Samuel Ruiz (Photo by Frank Cancian)]
Unlike many of our younger colleagues, I am hopelessly old-fashioned and optimistic about the prospects for anthropology.
The post-modernists have contributed to our sensitivity as to how who we are may affect our observations and interpretations. But some of them are much too pessimistic such as the interpretive scholars like Cliff Geertz who pronounce our demise.
I think the funeral march for anthropology is intoning much too soon! After all, Anthropologists have only been at it for a little over a century.....give us another hundred years. And, in the meantime, anthropology, from my point of view, is alive and well!
Brandes, Stanley H.
1988. Power And Persuasion: Fiestas And Social Control In Rural Mexico. University Of Pennsylvania Press.
Collier, George A. And Elizabeth Lowry Quaratiello
1994. Basta! Land And The Zapatista Rebellion In Chiapas. Oakland, Ca: Food First Book.
Foster, George M.
1960. Culture And Conquest: Americaís Spanish Heritage. Wenner-Gren Foundation For Anthropological Research, Viking Fund Publications In Anthropology 27.
1961. "The Dyadic Contract: A Model For The Social Structure Of A Mexican Peasant Village". American Anthropologist 63(6): 1173-1192.
1964. "Speech Forms And Perception Of Social Distance In A Spanish-Speaking Mexican Town". Southwestern Journal Of Anthropology 20(2): 107-122.
1965a. "Peasant Society And The Image Of Limited Good". American Anthropologist 67(2): 293-215.
1965b. "Cultural Responses To The Expression Of Envy In Tzintzuntzan". Southwestern Journal Of Anthropology. 21(1): 24-35.
1972. "A Second Look At Limited Good". Anthropological Quarterly 45(2): 57-64.
1979. "Fieldwork In Tzintzuntzan: The First Thirty Years." In Longterm Research In Social Anthropology, Edited By George M. Foster, Thayer Scudder, Elizabeth Colson, And Robert V. Kemper, Pp. 165-184. Academic Press.
1987. "Ten Phonetic Syllables". Research Reports on Ancient Maya Writing 14. Center for Maya Research, Washington DC.
Vogt, Evon Z.
1969. Zinacantan: A Maya Community In The Highlands Of Chiapas. Harvard University Press.
1976. Tortillas For The Gods. (Second Edition 1993, University Of Oklahoma Press.)
1982. "Tendencias De Cambio Social Y Cultural En Los Altos De Chiapas." America Indigena 42 (1): 85-98.
1990. The Zinacantecos Of Mexico: A Modern Maya Way Of Life. Holt, Rinehart And Winston.
1994. Fieldwork Among The Maya: Reflections On The Harvard Chiapas Project. University Of New Mexico Press.
1996. (with Victoria R. Bricker) "The Zinacateco Fiesta of San Sebastian: An Essay in Ethnographic Intergretation". Res 29/30: 203-222.
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